File Size: 4279 KB
Print Length: 482 pages
Publisher: Crown (April 18, 2017)
Publication Date: April 18, 2017
To be fair to the authors, they lay the fault for her loss straight on her. They kind of feel bad about it but their close access makes it obvious with them and they are aim enough to report it. The other main person held responsible is strategy manager Robby Mooks, who will be so enamored with 'analytics' that he can't see the forest for the trees. The canary in the coal mine is Bill Clinton, who feelings that his wife and her campaign are not connecting with the white working class, but is ignored by the team who consider him washed-up and out of date.
It would have been nice to have a book that also gave the story from the Trump side, but as these reporters did not have that sort of access there, I will be pleased that they didn't try to shoehorn it in. That would have to be the subject of another book.
I do notice a quantity of one star reviewers who seem to be to be Trump supporters. I truly avoid understand why as this book does not present a flattering view of Hillary Clinton at all and Trump himself is merely seen through the sight of the Clinton strategy and of course they don't think highly of him.
Overall, it's a book about entitlement, hubris and goal for the sake of ambition. I very much enjoyed it., I recently done Shattered: Inside Hillary Clinton's Doomed Campaign. Like a quantity of other reviewers, I found it interesting and informative--and also biased. Someone has noted that the tendency is perhaps natural, given the origin of much of the authors' information, but as I read I found myself questioning a number of the characterizations. For occasion, the authors frequently state that Bernie Sanders proceeded to go " negative" in his campaign while Hillary was high-mindedly trying to discuss the issues. My recollections of the campaign don't tally with that, and I wasn't at first a Sanders supporter (disclosure--I became one throughout the debates--what sealed the deal for me was the Michigan debate, that this authors reference, noting that for many it reinforced a notion that HRC would do and say anything to win).
Book detail about the lining workings of the campaign are interesting, but I find what the book omits equally intriguing. There are no references to any of the dirty tricks the Clinton campaign and its supporters utilized in winning the primary. There's no mention of inappropriate Clinton campaigning (or at least voter-influencing) at polling places in Massachusetts. There is no mention of the media shut-out of Sanders during the primary, no acknowledgement that the large crowds he drew were something more than a cheap trick.
While the book definitely presents information from the Clinton perspective, there is enough information to allow discerning readers to reach their own conclusions--the reproducing issues of emails are dealt with extensively, and while the prevailing sculpt is that they were simply a tool for destroying the Clinton candidacy, the authors do note that to a level these were a tool that Clinton herself handed her opponents.
The Wikileaks emits are interpreted as Russian interference in a American election. I would tend to agree--but again, those emails were a self-inflicted wound; experienced the DNC and the emails on the Podesta account not revealed what there's some justification to call corruption and inappropriate party bias, they might have been ineffective. The authors remind us that the Clinton campaign and the DNC was the sufferer of a cyber attack, and that is very true, and it needs to be addressed. However, the usefulness of that attack was directly related to the corruption and mean-spiritedness of the correspondents--those emails paint a very different picture of who was " victimized" in the strategy.
Perhaps the biggest question I'm left with after reading this is the one which the campaign repeatedly requests itself, and never really manages to answer--perhaps because the principal characters in this book seem to be to shortage any ability to see themselves from any point of view but their own--is the main question that lies of the heart of any discussion of the Clinton personal machine, and the Clintons themselves: What makes it that so many people see HRC as corrupt, dishonest, and untrustworthy? I've omitted a number of the other accusations that seem to be more rooted in misogyny than in habits, but perhaps this book casts some light on those three, at the very least.
The authors be aware that HRC's speeches to Stock market for large sums of money, given at any given time when a presidential run and the issue of purchased effect were both strong possibilities, led many to see her as corrupt. Whilst she responded angrily to problem, angry responses are not proof--and it's very possible to find enough political stances she's used to offer substance to the question. While Politifact ranks her as one of the more sincere politicians, it was difficult to watch her sometimes-flippant, growing, and contradictory versions encircling her email server without seeing her as duplicitous. The book notes this--and goes on to point out that the results of the initial investigation uncovered a number of her statements to be falsehoods. The above-cited example from the Michigan debate, where she falsely characterized a Sanders position in a way calculated to eliminate his credibility provides another example. The Clintons might not exactly be more dishonest than other politicians, but that's not to state that the perception of dishonesty is unearned. Again, the authors note this, but then shy away from the implications of it.
At the end, the authors estimate that perhaps one fourth of a century in general public life had so securely set the Clintons' images in the electorate's heads that no amount of " reintroducing" and " rebranding" was going to change the way people saw them. While we might not exactly know HRC the person--and to a great degree this book doesn't really change that--we have good reason to find out HRC as a public figure. Her public life is real and discoverable, for good or ill. This book adds quite a lot of context to that general public figure. In the context of the book, HRC's again story is quite possibly the elephant in the room, and the reason the authors describe her campaign as " doomed. " I find that a mischaracterization. " Doom" implies that some overwhelming external force acted against her to deprive her of the presidency. In the event the authors are correct, and her strategy failed not because the candidate couldn't find a highly effective " brand" but because of actions that expanded out of who the lady was as a person, perhaps the election outcome was not a failing of the system, but the system working. (I really hate to create that, because I'm finding TrumpWorld to be a complicated and sometimes frightening place. )
In short--while there's definitely bias both in what information is roofed and how it's interpreted, the book nevertheless supplies a fascinating view into an organization that wanted to be deceptive, but couldn't quite take it off. It's a tip that public life is led in the public eye, and that a huge part of the Sanders appeal was his lifelong commitment to the same principles on which he campaigned, and that our deepest wounds are those for which we have ourselves provided the guns. I'd recommend this book be read with an open, analytical mind, as a part of a broader reading program that offers other perspectives., Created by Jonathan Allen and Amie Parnes, Shattered: Inside Hillary Clinton's Doomed Strategy is a must-read for anyone who wants to understand so what happened, and more importantly, what went incorrect, with Clinton's 2016 usa president run. Allen and Parnes interviewed almost everyone included in both the Clinton and the Sanders campaigns as well as a quantity of folks in the Trump campaign and consequently the book supplies a breath-taking panorama of the 2016 election in conditions of how things unfolded for Clinton and how they ultimately dropped short.
Here's a sample of the type of insight you'll find in the book:
" By ceding the reformer mantle to Sanders -- and Trump -- Hillary was dismissing a whole world's worth of evidence that she was running in to the headwinds of history.... Instead of changing, she was locking in a general-election strategy using the assumption that the 2016 electorate would look a lot like those of the earlier two elections. Having defeated Bernie's surge, Hillary was reassured that the countrywide political firmament would keep.
--Interestingly, both Bill and Hillary were paying attention to English politics. In 2015, when conservatives thrashed the open-handed Labour Party, Hillary confided in aides that previous prime minister Tony Blair had predicted to her that the left would lose if it went a 'base' election. The lady appeared to worry about being drawn too far to the left, rather than seeing the conservative takeover as a possible affirmation of nationalistic populism. Bill believed the push for Brexit - as well as its eventual approval by voters -- showed a strong contempt for existing power structures that shown the mood of the American electorate. You fellas are underestimating the importance of Brexit, he advised Brooklyn and his own advisers over and over. He'd come to strength by tapping into similar worries in 1992, convincing arrêters that a reasonably good economy was swirling down the drain - and that he was the only guy who could species of fish it out and revive it. Bill had an improved feel for the working stiff, whether American or British, than anyone otherwise in Hilary's orbit. He or she knew that, and he felt like he was being heard. But he couldn't figure out why Hillary and her team weren't executing.
--... Throughout the primary, he'd report back from the field on what he was hearing at campaign events and from friends across the country. Mook's response was always a variation on the same analysis: your data run counter to your anecdotes. Bill liked data, but he believed it was insufficient To him, national politics wasn't just about finding people who agreed along with you and getting them to the polls. He felt that it was important to talk to arrêters individually and get a real sense for what these were feeling. He also thought that a candidate could persuade voters with the right argument. As well as in goal of that, the on-the-ground feel for how expectations and fears were encouraging voters was invaluable.
--For Mook and the Brooklyn number handlers, it held little value. Hillary, the policy wonk, leaned heavily in the direction of hard evidence too. And, because the lady didn't want to uncover herself to unscripted connections with voters, she was not getting much retail personal information. From the very beginning of the strategy, Hillary had hit with preselected groups but tried to avoid chance encounters with arrêters who might heckle her. She took the same approach to members of the media, who sometimes relayed the concerns of voters to candidates. The lady was running a variation on a 'Rose Garden' strategy -- the term to have an incumbent president who stays at home and makes use of the trappings of work to campaign rather than getting out on the hustings. For years, she'd been in the bubble of elite circles in Washington, New York, and foreign capitals. Whether or not she understood their concerns, she was literally out of touch with voters.... they weren't talking to and listening to actual people at events. "
Highly, highly recommended.
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