Download: Americas War Greater Middle East eBook (ePub, KINDLE, PDF) + Audio Version


  • File Size: 26350 KB
  • Print Length: 480 pages
  • Publisher: Random House; Reprint edition (April 5, 2016)
  • Publication Date: April 5, 2016
  • Language: English

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Creator Bacevich opens by fighting that our military involvement in the greater Middle East began with the failure to rescue the American hostages in our Tehran embassy. Mechanical malfunctions, very limited visibility credited to stirred up dust particles, and a chopper accidently hitting a stationary C-130 resulted in the quest being canceled and the deaths of 8 Us citizens. While President Carter quickly took responsibility, Bacevich details out that the myriad errors in design and execution were attributable to the military professionals included.

Bacevich also highlights that Carter's predecessors going back to WWII had done your pet no favors with the forging ill-advised relationships and foolhardy commitments. Nonetheless, Carter had launched America's War for the Greater Middle Eastern, compounding those inherited problems. That war continues today, with no ending in sight.

America's War for the Greater Middle Eastern was a war to preserve the American way of life, rooted in an abundance of cheap energy. In 1969, imports already accounted for 20% of American consumption, and the next year U. T. domestic oil production peaked. By 1973, in retaliation for U. S. support for Israel in the October War, Arabs hanging oil exports to the U. S. and the West. Eventually, oil imports resumed, but the accessibility and price of fuel had now become a matter of national concern. The hierarchy of countrywide security priorities was starting to shift from elemental weapons and the Soviet Union.

President Nixon created a plan to insure that Americans would not have to rely on any source of energy past our own (Project Independence), but the idea that retrenchment was needed did not sit well with some. Presently there was a strong sense of entitlement, notwithstanding Britain's prior experiences. However, the just-concluded war in Vietnam effectively dampened any excitement for even more military adventurism.

Through the ending of WWII to 1980, nearly no American soldiers were KIA in the Greater Middle Eastern. Since 1990, nearly no American soldiers have already been killed for action anywhere apart from in the Greater Middle Eastern.

When Carter became president, he first had to confront what he called an 'inordinate fear of communism' that had found the U. S. during sex with corrupt, repressive regimes. Nevertheless, he hadn't figured on the Iranian Revolution. Formerly the CIA helped engineer a coup that delivered the Shah to his throne while overthrowing a democratically elected Iranian government. Nixon sold top-line American weaponry to Iran, now flush with cash because of thriving oil exports - conceptualizing Iran as ensuring stability in the gulf, alongside with Saudi Arabia.

The Shah, however, was shedding his grip on energy - having previously alone segments of society varying from secularized liberals to religious conservatives. All saw the Shah as an American lackey, the U. S. as parasitic. Both the Shah and Wa dithered. On 1/16/79, he or she fled into exile.

The Iranian Revolution that overthrew the Shah triggered a second 'oil shock' as Iranian production fell off greatly, and OPEC announced a succession of price boosts. Carter's ratings sank. Prior to addressing the nation, he concluded that Many oil dependancy was the underlying problem and had led to losing our moral bearings. 'Too many of us now worshipped self-indulgence and consumption. ' Carter saw one way - frequent conflict between narrow interests ending in chaos and immobility, and another with us united in control of our destiny via conservation. It has become a conflict between self-interest and self-sacrifice. Eventually, the speech became known as Carter's " crisis of confidence" (malaise) speech. Recover refusal, the Persian Gulf of mexico and its environs obtained massively heightened significance.

Peterson had just previously agreed upon off on a tonto committed the U. T. to assist Afghan cokolwiek warring against the Soviet-supported regime in Kabul. The amount was small - only 0, 000, and substance provided generally medical materials and communications equipment. Brezinski saw this as required to dissuade the Soviets from meddling in the Persian Gulf. On 11/1/79, Brezinski met with Iran's perfect minister, in an effort to forge a new positive relationship. However, on 11/4, Iranian students compared to Carter's allowing the Shah to the U. S. for medical treatment, overran the U. T. embassy in Tehran. The Carter administration had no intention of another vicissitude, feared by the scholars, and the Ayatollah had not bought the seizure or even prior knowledge of it. Unfortunately, he soon supported what the students had one and transformed a difficult problem into a much bigger one. Peterson then switched to a goal of maintaining a military preponderance in the region.

Adding the Persian Gulf to the set of U. S. strategic priorities added to defending Western Europe and Northeast Asia. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and Reagan's election combined to revive the Cold War. The job, nevertheless , was complicated by the point that states obtaining U. S. 'protection' such as Iran, did not want or cooperate with it. The U. S. began with upgrading ports and airfields to which it absolutely was promised access in Egypt, Kenya, Morocco, Oman, and Somalia. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia undertook building bases much beyond its needs or ability to operate. A series of training exercises was programmed to cycle U. S. forces through the region - aimed to acclimate U. T. troops to conditions in the region and promote an increasing tolerance for their presence. The U. S. also began poring billions in military help into the area - . 1 billion in 1984, billion the next year. It was assumed that memory of prior upheavals dismantling the Ottoman Empire after WWI, creation of Israel in 1948, overthrowing Iran's government in 1953, the Suez Crisis of 1956, the Arab-Israeli Wars of 1967 and 1973 would diminish away. It had been also assumed that Kremlin leaders would play their assigned role as bogeymen - that changed with Gorbachev becoming leader (March, 1985) and working to call off the Cold War.

While Weinberger continued to notify of Soviet military risks, Gorbachev accepted U. T. words in 1987 for a treaty eliminating intermediate-range nuclear missiles from European countries, and announced plans to ending occupation of Afghanistan. In February 1989, the ultimate contingent of Soviet causes left Afghanistan. By ending of 1989, our army found itself with more tanks and tank deck hands than it knew what to do with - made redundant by the sudden ending of the Cold War.

We then quickly fingered Saddam's Iraq as the new General public Enemy #1, and the peace dividend never materialized. To this point, U. S. containment efforts had been directed against states. Reality was that religion (Sunni versus. Shiite), and resentment over Western meddling, including border changes, which the U. S. had become heir to were to play a far tougher role than ever imagined. Iraq, Israel-Palestine, and Pakistan were prime examples of the latter.

U. S. assistance to the mujahedin during the 1980s totaled between - billion, combined by Saudi Arabia.

The Sea barracks bombing in Lebanon (had been located there as a poorly thought through means of ending conflict in Lebanon) has not been avenged, nor were additional Marine deaths by Syrian artillery fire at the Lebanon airport, or the two U. S. airplane shot down by Syrian air defenses east of Beirut. Thomas Friedman had written that the Marines had 'accomplished nearly nothing. ' Hezbollah could reasonably declare to have inflicted a decisive defeat on the world's preeminent superpower - a conclusion not lost on other U. T. opponents.

By 1979, Libya's efforts towards liberating Middle east etc. had earned it a place on this set of state sponsors of terrorism. Reagan concluded Gaddafi needed to be taught a lesson. In 1973, Gaddafi had claimed ownership of the Gulf of Sidra. The U. S. had rejected Gaddafi's claim without pressing the issue. Reagan changed that by having the U. S. Navy blue progressively challenging Gaddafi, dispatching carriers Forrestal and Nimitz across the 'line of death. ' Two reacting Libyan fighters were photo down. A later assault in reply to the West Berlin disco bombing and against Gaddafi individually at Benghazi (18 F-111s from Britain - 2 turned back due to equipment failures, four aborted while on target strategy, a 7th missed the assigned target, and an 8th shot down; 12-15 A-6 Intruders from airplane carriers destroyed the airfield) - overall achieving little, as Gaddafi was seemingly warned in advance. That will was the inauguration of an extended and futile experiment in employing army might to defeat terrorism - even though Reagan was pleased., With sophistication and nuance - and occasional muted snark as if
to remind readers of why these are probably reading the guide in the
first place, but also to reinforce the book's central narrative -
former U. T. Army Colonel and upon the market Professor of history and
international relationships at Boston University, Claire J. Bacevich
provides us with a meticulously researched and recorded account
of the Long War for the Middle East that began with President
Jimmy Carter's Apr 24-25, 1980 failed attempt to rescue American
hostages in Serbia known as Operation Eagle Claw, which continues
to the present day with no ending in view.

One war per chapter, we are provided with solutions to the
questions: who, what, where, when, how and - not least - why we
are fighting these wars, including an accounting of the tragic
blood and immense treasure spent for the black precious metal and elusive
geopolitical posturing that escalated as a covert web proxy war
against the former Soviet Partnership and has now appeared as 'Brundle-
Fly' - a misshapen amalgam of metal and flesh - falling out of the transport pod
and onto the laboratory floor, gasping to be put out from the misery.

The book can logically be divided into 'pre-9/11' and 'post 9/11'
wars, the former chapters being faster to read even though the last mentioned
chapters being filled with details which make for slower reading. At
once exhaustive and exhausting, the final chapters fan out from
CENTCOM to AFRICOM and beyond, like the Nile river delta followers out
into the Mediterranean Sea. It is as though Bacevich says
without expressing it that the Higher Middle East - which now
includes Africa - has become a much more complicated place and
here is how we made it that way and will continue to do so in the
future.

Cui Bono? All of us and none of us, but certainly those
closest to the cash trough benefit the most, with the spoils
diminishing exponentially among the ordinary soldiers tasked with
carrying out there half-baked, self-serving, amnesic, obdurate and
obtuse policies, and finding their nadir among the list of indigenous
populations who have borne the brunt of America's ongoing War for
the Greater Middle East.

I got a lot out of looking over this book, not least was further
tuned of my BS detector of pronouncements made by government
officials and the loyal stenographers and courtiers, otherwise
known as corporate popular media. I also like the Kindle
version with its built-in book that keeps pace with
Bacevich's enormous vocabulary. If you're not inclined to sit
through this cut of military history, i quickly recommend reading
just the final section in a bookstore or library to get the
meaning of this important-but likely to be ignored-book.

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